S ource A is an article taken from the “Sunday Times” newspaper in 1961. The article informs us that the majority of the employed were protestants, especially jobs higher up in hierarchy, it also includes figures and statistical information that give us a clear indication about the ratio of protestants to Catholics in particular jobs.
The big employers were privately run companies and the article tells us that the “Belfast shipyard – the biggest single source of employment in the city” which had approximately 10,000 workers and just 400 were Catholics, that’s only 4% which is a very small amount compared to the 96% of the Protestants that accompanied them. This blatantly shows us that there was discrimination against Catholics and their employment with the more ‘attractive’ jobs, although the Catholics had suspected of anti-catholic prejudice among foremen or personnel managers, it was extremely hard to prove without rock solid evidence
Furthermore, the Fermanagh county council employed 370 people, but yet again 322 of those posts including the top ones were filled with Protestants, so they had more control as they near enough took over the council and they had the power in the city, even though that “the population of Fermanagh was more than half catholic”. o the county of Fermanagh was mainly catholic but the people in control of the councils and government were the minority, the protestants, this suggests that the government were overflowed with protestants and they were very prejudice against the Catholics and the Catholics had no way of overcoming them because of their given power so they had very little opportunity in life.
But the discrimination wasn’t just in important and powerful jobs it was difficult to find any job. “Of about 75 school bus drivers in Fermanagh, all but seven were protestant”. Even the simplest of jobs were hard to obtain, which is shocking to see as “more than half of the population were catholic”.
To conclude the protestants had the power to exclude the Catholics from many things and they chose to use it and the Catholics were suffering purely because of their religion it was difficult for them to provide for themselves if they had no source of income due to having no job because they were being discriminated and I think the biggest disadvantage they had to face was that if they were to try and retaliate it would be pointless because the people in power were their opposition so all they could not overcome their situation.
Question 2: Study sources B and C How useful are these sources in helping to assess the extent of discrimination against Catholics? S ource B is Billy Sinclair, a former player-manager of Linfield, a football club in Northern Ireland talking in 1984. In the conversation, Billy explains how he scouts youths for his football club and the questions he usually asks while scouting. Catholics were not only discriminated in the areas of employment, it seemed that it stretched across the board including sport.
Billy Sinclair openly talks about his views and prejudice judgments about Catholics playing football while being a Linfield scout. Upon seeing a potential player, Sinclair would instinctively ask “what school do you go to son? ” and if the reply was “saint something” then instantly there would be an end to the conversation and the boy would be seen as unfit for the team or “he kicks with the wrong foot” (any excuse was made to get rid of the Catholics).
This shows us clearly that the Catholics were discriminated in sports but it also shows us that it differed highly from the discrimination in the employment trade as we learn that this time children were targeted as well as adults. Billy Sinclair showed us the corruption in Linfield and in football as a whole was hardly about potential or talent but was down to religion and only one of the two religions would have given you a positive outcome.
But on the other hand, the source is not reliable in helping assess the extent of discrimination against Catholics because although he was the scout for the Linfield, he is just one person and he could be biased and could have a bitter dislike for Catholics through his own experience, it does not show that the football as a whole in northern Ireland discriminated against Catholics therefore its very weak in helping assess the discrimination.
Source C is a Document published by Ulster Protestant Action, an organization formed in 1959 by the Reverend Ian Paisley and other Unionists. This source shows us that Protestants had their own organization that made that they were top priority and the Catholics always came 2nd. “Keep Protestants and loyal workers in employment in times of depression in preference of their fellow Catholic workers. Even though its clearly saying put Protestants first, Catholics second it also says “Keep Protestants and loyal workers” which indicates to that they didn’t have any problems with other atheists or people of other religions. As long as they weren’t catholic then it was fine, this to me sounds like a concern for them to have that sort of hatred. The source also shows that there was very high favouritism in employment “Keep Protestants and loyal workers in employment in times of depression in preference of their fellow Catholic”.
Finally the source is a plays a vital role in assessing the extent of discrimination because it was published by a Protestant action group that consisted of reverend Ian Paisley (who formed it) and other unionists thus proving that the message was not just from one person but from a group of protestants and it was to tell other protestants to clearly discriminate Catholics, and it would have been extremely hard for them to contradict the message because it had also come from a reverend, so it influences them to believe it is the correct thing to do.
Question 3: Study sources D, E and F Use the sources, and your own knowledge, to explain why this city became the centre of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland? L ondonderry became the centre of the civil rights movement because it had an excellent position in Northern Ireland because the majority of its population was Catholic; also juggling with electoral boundaries mad it possible for the city corporation was dominated by unionists.
Starting in 1967 the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, NICRA, dedicated to electoral reforms, and the Derry Housing Action Committee, DHAC, with housing issues as its main spearhead, organised several protest and marches independent from each other. The two organisations combined forces in the summer of 1968 and they started to organise a march due on 5 October. Due to the events following this Civil Right March is considered the start of The Troubles. 5th of October 1968. The day of the Civil Rights March. Despite the governments attempts to ban the March more than 400 participants and 200 spectators managed to arrive.
Before the march had even start the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) had attacked the crowed leaving several people stunned and injured. Then finally the RUC used a water canon to knock down the crowds. Film footage was captured showing an unarmed crowed getting batter to a pulp which caused global indignation and denunciation. There were riots left, right and centre in Derry for the three days after the March and on the 9th October an organization that supporting the campaign for civil rights for Catholics of Northern Ireland called the People’s Democracy (PD) organisation was formed.
Source D is a photograph of the house of a catholic family taken in Londonderry in the 1960s. The source has two people in it a man and a little girl, possibly father and daughter standing in what seems to be either the front or back of the house, next to them is a washing line that’s carrying a few threadbare rags and under it a bath type object filled with water, so they possibly bathed themselves in the same place were they wash their clothes.
It shows us what kind of environment and living condition that the Catholics had to bear with; it shows that housing for Catholics looked very cramped and shabby although it is unknown if all housed in Londonderry was like this and the protestants could have had the same, basic housing. So although the source is a primary source it may be biased to say Catholics lived it bad conditions as it doesn’t show the protestants conditions.
I would understand why Londonderry became the centre of the civil rights movement because the anger and frustration of living in those conditions that the Catholics had to undergo day-in and day-out would drive them to retaliate, therefore resulting in the civil rights movement. Such hatred would have cause Catholics to turn into extremists and join organizations like IRA. Source E is a table of results from local elections in Londonderry.
The Source give us statistical information to give us an idea of who the people of Londonderry wanted in power and It turned out they favoured for the nationalists, who were predominantly Catholic instead of the mainly Protestant unionists. The table also tells us the areas of Londonderry affected the votes as it shows that the majority of southward had more nationalist votes as to the unionists at a rate of 10,047 for nationalists and 1,138 for the opposing unionists.
The north ward was a different matter it had a very small number of votes and there was a slim margin, this time the unionists had the majority of votes with 3,943 for the unionists and 2,530 for the nationalists. Waterside had a similar outcome to but the number of nationalist votes decreased it was 1,852 for nationalists and 3,697 for the unionists.
This clearly shows us division in Londonderry which leads me to think that the Catholics were outcasts and banished to the South ward with very poor conditions and shabby housing. Source F is a map of Derry showing the local electrical districts, which backs up with source E showing that the there was segregation because it has the areas highlighted where the Catholics are present and dominant. The east side of the map was where most Catholics were situated at; the west side was nearly fully catholic.